Zollverein Ibérico segundo Ezequiel de Campos. Esboço de um percurso contraditório entre os anos de 1911 e 1917
/in articleO objecto deste estudo reside na análise dos modelos de crescimento perspectivados por Ezequiel de Campos para Portugal em vésperas da Primeira Guerra Mundial. Todavia, trata-se também de compreender a relevância, política, económica e diplomática, da monarquia espanhola para a república portuguesa segundo factores-chave ajustados pelo autor na conjuntura portuguesa imposta pela beligerância.
Difficult Years in the Ayuntamientos, 1969-1979. The Transition to Democracy in Spanish Municipalities
/in articleThe Spanish transition from an authoritarian regime, to a democratic political system in the 1970s has been widely researched. The dominant approach in research thus far has centered in the ‘Madrid’ perspective, the process of democratization is explained based on decisions taken by actors at the ‘center’. Franco’s Spain was a highly centralized State, following the model of the nineteenth century liberal state, which kept the local and municipal levels of the administration in a very dependent position with virtually no autonomy or agency. Nevertheless, local levels of government were closest to demands from Spanish society. The purpose of this paper is to analyze how such a centralized State evolved in the 1970s, focusing on municipal governments in Spain during the period of transition and how those municipalities responded to pressure from “above” and from “below”.
This paper focuses on a case study of Seville in the period between the death of General Franco in 1975 and the first local elections in 1979. Aside from the role played by municipalities, civil governors (gobernadores civiles) at the provincial level provided a key tool for democratization which we will analyse here. As the highest governmental authorities in each province, governors were able to control the democratization process either in cooperation with local authorities or, in case of conflict, enforcing the orders of the central government.
La nacionalización de las masas en el primer Maeztu (1898-1904)
/in articleLa crisis de 1898 fue, ante todo, una crisis de identidad nacional, lo que se puso de relieve no sólo con la emergencia de los nacionalismos periféricos, sino en las profundas deficiencias del proceso de “nacionalización de las masas”. En la obra del joven Ramiro de Maeztu, el problema de España iba a cobrar sentido concreto en el análisis de las relaciones sociales, políticas y económicas en la subdesarrollada sociedad española finisecular. En la primera etapa de su larga trayectoria intelectual, Maeztu aspiró a ser el teórico de una nueva España, de una transformación de la sociedad española en el sentido y la lógica de un nacionalismo proyectivo y moderno, garante de su consolidación como proyecto nacional unitario, al igual que de su progreso social y económico. De ahí su interés por el logro de la “nacionalización de las masas”, a través de la educación, del arte, la literatura, etc.
Vidas reinventadas: la condición esclava en el Cádiz de la Modernidad
/in articleDesde mediados del siglo XVII Cádiz se convierte en uno de los principales centros esclavistas españoles, arribando a la ciudad numerosos hombres y mujeres procedentes del norte de Africa, el Imperio otomano o el Africa subsahariana. Todos ellos hubieron de reconstruir en la medida de lo posible su existencia, iniciando nuevas relaciones humanas, en las que la sombra del amo siempre estaba presente, formando núcleos familiares, aunque ello no impidiese la omnipresencia de la explotación sexual, ejerciendo un sinfin de ocupaciones, siempre de escasa especialización, y adoptando, más o menos interiorizadas, unas creencias religiosas muy distintas a las de su lugar de origen, aunque los de origen musulmán pudieron conservar en mayor medida su religión.
The Catalan Nationalist Option: Italian Fascist Intrigues in Barcelona (1931-1943)
/in articleDuring Inter-Wars period the fascist Italy of Benito Mussolini was interested on the future of European nationalist movements. Having as an objective to obtain allies for it foreign policy Italian fascism tried to translate it ideology into some Mediterranean territories. That foreign policy had as an objective to control Occidental Mediterranean, and one of that ideological exportation of fascism was made at autonomous Catalonia during 1931-1939. Inside the Spanish Democratic Republic, the autonomous Catalonia had some straight nationalist movements. Some of them tried to find Italian help to get a way out at their national conflict. In spite of that, Italian diplomacy did not decide to collaborate with the Catalan nationalist aspirations.
For the Republic or the Church: The Vatican’s Reactions to the Development of Spain’s Second Republic in 1931
/in articleThe proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic in April 1931 created a new diplomatic condition for the Holy See. The Second Republic wanted to obtain Vatican recognition, but some politicians wanted to remove Catholic influence from Spanish politics. The Holy See appeared willing to accept a republican form of government in Spain, but the Vatican hierarchy wanted to work with a state that would protect the Catholic Church’s special role in the country. This article uses materials from 1931 in the Vatican Secret Archives—Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs division concerning Spain—in order to explore this problematic relationship. The Vatican viewed the declaration of the Second Republic with caution and speculation, but as the Provisional Government worked to restructure the Spanish political system, the Vatican hierarchy grew more concerned over perceived anticlerical attacks.
The Democratic Revolution as a Path towards the Republic (Spain, 1873)
/in articleThis article analyses the genesis of the Spanish I Republic (1873) starting from the Democratic Revolution initiated in 1868 with the overthrow of the Bourbon monarchy. This initiated a process of democratisation and of citizens’ participation in Spanish public life that took form in a new constitution, inspired by some of the proposals of the United States Constitution as a model of federation, and in which we find one of the most advanced declarations of citizens’ rights in Europe at that time.
Politics, Violence and Electoral Democracy in Spain: the case of the CEDA, 1933-1934
/in articleThis article examines the attitude of the main political party of the Spanish right between 1933 and 1936 – the CEDA – towards democracy and political violence. It analyzes the rhetoric and behavior of the party during a critical period, and one which has hitherto been largely neglected: from the campaign for the national elections of 1933 to the fall of the following year, when three of the party’s members joined the government. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate the complexity and ambiguity of the accidentalist Catholic right’s discourse, applying a dynamic analysis which explores their discursive evolution without simplifying it. Moreover, in order to deepen our understanding of the CEDA’s role in and attitude towards political violence, this article includes a detailed study of both conservative political language and the behavior of the party’s members during the 1933 campaign. Finally, given its importance for this article’s central objective, an analysis also is put forward of the relationship between the anti-liberal corporatism of the CEDA and Fascism.
“Do You Feel More Madrileño or Español?”: Making the Case for Regionalism in the Capital, 1979-1990
/in articleIn contrast to the tendency by nearly everyone – scholars, journalists, and politicians – to associate Madrid with a kind of vague national identity or a monolithic Spanishness, this article makes the case for a more complex reality in the capital between 1979 and 1990. Specifically, it presents evidence from sociological surveys in order to show the development of a new regional identity in Madrid. This is not to say regionalism simply replaced national identity, or any other pre-existing form of affiliation in the capital. Instead, regionalism became one axis of a multiple set of overlapping identities after the transition to democracy.
